Catherine Herridge, the Emmy-winning investigative reporter who spent her career inside the national security beat, sat down with Katie Pavlich on NewsNation and described what she found buried in intelligence records: documentation that China had mounted a blackmail operation targeting Joe Biden's family. The material was flagged for the President's Daily Brief.
The intelligence community had it. They just didn't do anything useful with it.
Herridge lays out a sequence that should have produced a five-alarm national security response. Instead it produced a defensive briefing in August 2020, not to warn the public, but to warn two senators to stop asking questions.
Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa, both members of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, received the briefing from senior FBI counterintelligence official Nikki Floris. The message wasn't "here's what China is doing to compromise a presidential candidate's family." The message was: be careful where you take this.
"I found these records which are talking about blackmail by China," Herridge told Pavlich. "It was for President Biden's daily brief. I can conclude, I think, that it was probably about targeting his family."
That's not a vague allegation from an anonymous source. That's a named reporter describing classified-level intelligence product — the PDB — referencing Chinese blackmail efforts against the family of a man who was, at the time, running for president. And who then became president.
The Hunter Biden laptop had already surfaced the financial entanglements. The wire transfers, the shell companies, the "10 percent for the Big Guy" email. But Herridge's reporting adds a layer that financial records alone couldn't: the intelligence community knew China was leveraging those entanglements. Knew it was blackmail-grade material. And processed that knowledge through a system designed to contain it rather than act on it.
Herridge didn't mince words about why the story stayed buried for years. "They didn't want to look at the records," she said. "All you had to do was spend a couple of hours."
She wasn't talking about the intelligence community. She was talking about the press.
"I think in the media or legacy media, there was kind of a willful blindness," Herridge said. The framing inside newsrooms wasn't investigative. It was protective. As she put it: "They had to save President Trump from his own instincts, from his own tendencies."
That's a former CBS News correspondent describing the editorial posture of her own industry — not as skepticism, not as caution, but as a rescue mission for one political outcome.
The scale of what China acquired makes the blackmail angle worse, not better. Intelligence records reference 220 million American voter files obtained by Chinese operatives. That's not espionage at the margins. That's a bulk data harvest covering roughly two-thirds of the U.S. population, acquired by the same government that was simultaneously running leverage operations against a presidential candidate's family.
Former Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard has pointed to these records as part of a broader pattern: an intelligence apparatus that tracked Chinese penetration operations in real time and chose institutional self-preservation over disclosure.
The counterargument from the intelligence community's defenders has always been that defensive briefings are standard procedure — routine, even. Which is an interesting way to describe a meeting where the FBI's senior counterintelligence official tells two sitting senators that a hostile foreign government has blackmail material on a presidential candidate's family, and the takeaway is supposed to be "don't make too much of this."
A defensive briefing that defends the subject of the intelligence rather than the country it threatens isn't routine. It's a choice.

